Widows in Venice

Introduction

This project examines the socio-economic status and property dynamics of widows in the 18th- and early 19th-century Venice, focusing on two historical datasets: the Catastici and the Sommarioni. By analyzing these records, the project aims to uncover patterns in property ownership, tenancy, and rent payments, providing insights into widows’ roles and lives during this period.

The analysis focuses on identifying widows within the datasets and gathering key information such as property ownership, tenancy status, and rent values. It also compares trends across the two time periods to explore changes in widows’ economic circumstances. Specific questions include whether widows were more likely to own or rent properties, whether their properties differed in size or value from others, and how their economic situations varied between the Christian districts and the Jewish Ghetto.

Historical background

The project focuses on Venice during the period 1740–1808, a time marked by significant social and political changes. This era includes the dramatic Fall of the Republic of Venice to Napoleon in 1797, ending over a thousand years of independence. Unlike earlier centuries, the late 18th century was not plagued by major epidemics, allowing for relative demographic stability.

Venetian society in this period was structured by rigid gender roles and a hierarchical class system. At the top were the patricians, followed by citizens (popolani), and finally the commoners. These divisions were formalized through records like the libro d'Oro, which documented the city’s elite families. Social mobility was limited, and class often determined one's opportunities and rights within the Republic.

As in many European cities at the time, Jews were the only people allowed to lend money. They were forced to live in a Ghetto and paid expensive taxes to the city. During night they were locked in the Ghetto.

This historical context provides a backdrop for the analysis, offering insight into the societal structures, class dynamics, and economic realities that shaped the lives of Venetians, particularly widows, during this transformative period.

Motivation

Word cloud of all the tokens present in the Catastici that are not names

The situation of women in historical patriarchal societies is often difficult to fully understand. Their names are frequently only found in historical records when linked to male relatives, as women were long considered dependent on their fathers and later their husbands, with fewer rights than men. Wives were often referred to by their husband's name (e.g., Mrs. Leonardo Rossi would refer to Sofia Bianchi after marriage). Widows often faced the same fate, with their identities obscured or even forgotten.

This historical trend is evident in official documents like the Catastici and the Sommarioni, which list property owners. These records are dominated by male nouns and adjectives, as seen in the Word Cloud. However, it is interesting to note that a few female nouns and adjectives do appear, with widows among them. A closer examination of these widows can provide valuable, quantifiable insights into gender roles and the economic and cultural relationships in 18th-century Venice.

Project Plan and Milestones

The project is structured on a weekly basis, to ensure an even progression and workload. Each week has a clearly defined goal. The plan spans from the initial setup and data extraction through to final analysis and presentation, with clear milestones throughout.

The first phase of the project (07.10 - 13.10) is focused on defining the project's scope and structure. Here the focus was on creating a common understanding of the project to ensure good collaboration in the group. The following week data extraction of the widows in the two datasets started. In addition a review of historical papers on widows and Venice was done, providing the necessary context for the research (14.10 - 20.10). The analysis then shifted towards examining the widows mentioned in the Sommarioni and Catastici records. This stage involved comparative rent analysis and property ownership evaluation (8.10 - 03.11).

The mid-project milestones included a midterm presentation on 14.11, with further development of the analysis through the end of November (11.11 - 24.11). This phase focused on completing the property ownership and comparative rent analyses, as well as beginning to explore widow heritage and social aspects, such as the frequency of titles like "Vedova" and "Consorte" used in the records. These findings were progressively written into a shared wiki.

The final analysis phase, beginning 02.12, was dedicated to comparing the results of the previously conducted analyses, and identifying overarching trends related to widows in Venetian society. The last steps of the project (09.12 - 15.12) will involve finishing the wiki documentation and preparing the final presentation.

The project will conclude with the delivery of the GitHub repository and wiki on 18.12, followed by the final presentation on 19.12.

For a detailed overview of the workflow and corresponding milestones, see the table below.

Workflow

Week	Task
07.10 - 13.10	Define project and structure work
14.10 - 20.10	Write code to extract widow data Read historical papers on widows and Venice
21.10 - 27.10	Autumn vacation
28.10 - 03.11	Comparative rent analysis (catastici) Property ownership Heritage
04.11 - 10.11	Analysis: - Property ownership - Comparative rent analysis Prepare for the presentation
11.11 - 17.11	Midterm presentation on 14.11 Continue analysis
18.11 - 24.11	Finish property ownership analysis - Sommarioni & Catastici Finish comparative rent analysis - Catastici
25.11 - 01.12	Start widow heritage analysis
02.12 - 08.12	Compare all analyses to identify general trends for widows Interpret some of the results
09.12 - 15.12	Finish writing the wiki Prepare the presentation
16.12 - 22.12	Deliver GitHub + wiki on 18.12 Final presentation on 19.12

Dataset presentation

For this project, two primary datasets are used as the foundation for the analysis, the Catastici and the Sommarioni. These historical records provide information about property ownership, income, and land use in Venice.

Catastici

Catastici

The Catastici is a historical register from 1740 comprising 32'123 property records, collected through door-to-door surveys within a parish. The sequence of entries reflects the route taken during data collection. The original register contains five main columns of information:

• Owner information
• Tenants
• Income from rent
• Place name
• Urban function

The entries vary in detail, as there was no strict data format. Some records are highly detailed, while others lack certain information. During standardization and digitization, additional columns were created to improve data usability, such as Family Name and Owner Title.

For analysis, the transcription version "catastici_text_data_20240924.json" is used. This dataset includes both the original and standardized columns.

Sommarioni

Sommarioni

The Sommarioni is a cadaster from 1808, documenting properties and parcels in Venice alongside their assigned parcel numbers. In total it has 23,400 entries. The dataset is tabular and contains the following core information:

• Parcel Number: Corresponding to a specific property
• Owner Information: Listing the property owner
• Quality: Describing the function or use of the property

Similar to the Catastici, additional columns were added post-digitization to capture supplementary details. Unlike the Catastici, the Sommarioni does not include information about tenants of rented properties. For the analysis the dataset "sommarioni_text_data_20240709.json" was used.

Methodology

Property ownership analysis

For the property ownership analysis for the widows mentioned in the Catastici and Sommarioni a similar approach was used. First the widows were located in the relevant columns using the keywords "vedova" and "relicta", meaning widow, and "consorte", meaning wife of dead husband. After filtering the datasets using row-wise text matching for these keywords, the entries of the widows were saved. These new datasets were then used as the basis of further analysis. A distant reading methodology of the data was done by counting and and creating distributions of different variables given in the data. When counting properties, uniqueness of each property was ensured by the unique identification number of the parcel provided in the dataset. For ensuring uniqueness in widows, this was done for both datasets manually and by using likeness of standardized names.

Heritage Analysis

To explore inheritance patterns of widow-owned properties in Venetian records, two following two approaches were used.

Linking Catastici to Sommarioni

Properties owned by widows in the Catastici were linked to entries in the Sommarioni through matching the "id_napo" from the Catastici to the corresponding parcel numbers in the Sommarioni. For this analysis only the widows mentioned as "vedova" or "consorte" in the Catastici was used.

Due to the limited amount of data available, only 16 entries with an id_napo in the Catastici, manual inspection was conducted to identify familial connections.

Linking Sommarioni to Catastici

Properties listed in the Sommarioni were traced back to the Catastici using parcel numbers and name similarity.

Using the parcel numbers from the Sommarioni, they were linked with the id_napo of the Catastici. To check for familiar relations between the owners a name similarity analysis was conducted. Here computational tools like difflib were used to compare widow names between datasets, accounting for spelling variations (e.g., "Bonvicini" vs. "Bonbicini"). A similarity threshold of 0.7 was applied.

This methodology allowed for a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, addressing historical inconsistencies while exploring inheritance patterns across records.

Rent Analysis

Before analyzing the rent, the different currencies had to be converted into lirae. For this the following conversion table was used (NB: The default unit was ducato if no unit was specified). [13] [14] [15]

Venetian Currency Conversion

Currency	Value in Denari
1 Ducato	1488
1 Lira	240
1 Grosso	62
1 Soldo	12

Widows were identified across multiple properties using their names to see if widows own or rent multiple properties. Nobles were also isolated through a set of keywords ('nobil', 'conte', 'cavaliere', 'marchese', 'duca', 'principe', 'barone', 'illustrissima', 'illustrissimo') as well as the Jewish Ghetto because nobility status and religion and culture can potentially influence the rent. Instances of charity were identified as properties where no rent is paid in money, quality_income contains a reasonable justification ('gratis', 'amor dei') and there is no quantity_income. This allowed to compare charity towards widows against charity in Venice. The median rent was used as a robust estimator of economical situations for widow-owned properties and widow-rented properties, at the scale of Venice, at the scale of each district and at the scale of each parish. The difference between the median rent of an area and the median rent of widow owners/tenants in that same area was computed. This information was then compared to geographical observations from plotting properties geographically, highlighting widows, showing rent with color, nobility with edges and size, parishes with lines. The hypothesis raised in this study were based on the observed tendencies and supported by literature.

Results

Property Ownership Analysis

Catastici Property Analysis

Widows extraction in the Catastici

Using the methods described in the Property ownership analysis, a total of 104 unique mentions of widows were identified in the Catastici out of the 33'297 entries. Widows names were identified when they were mentioned as either "Vedova" or "Consorte" in the column of owner names or in the column of tenants names. Since one widow can own several properties, instance were counted with and without repeats. In the tables below, counts of all mentions of widows as "vedova" and "consorte" are displayed with and without repeats.

Number of mentions of Vedova and Consorte

Mentioned As	Owner Name	Tenant Name	Total mentions
Vedova	26	55	81
Consorte	37	6	43
Total	63	61	124

Number of unique mentions of Vedova and Consorte

Mentioned As	Owner Name	Tenant Name	Total mentions
Vedova	22	49	71
Consorte	29	5	34
Total	51	54	105

Antonia Franchini

As mentioned above, in total, 104 unique names of widows were identified. However, adding each count of unique instances of both keywords vedova and consorte for both owners and tenants results to 105 instances, meaning one more instance than expected (see the tables above). This difference is due to one widow in the Catastici who owned one property and rented another one: Antonia Franchini vedova. Apparently, in 1740, Antonia Franchini was renting a house and a fruit roll shop (casa e bogetta da frutaroll) owned by Nobil Domina Chiara Moro Zen. The property Antonia Franchini owned was an inviamento located in Cannaregio and was not rented to anyone.

Properties owned and rented by widows in the Catastici

It is intuitive to think that some widows could own several properties. On the same note, some widows could rent several properties. Following this idea, the number of widows owning or renting several properties was computed and their distribution is shown in the barplots below.

As expected most widows in the Catastici owned one single property (45/51 widow owners). Six of them, however, stand out and revealed to own more than one property, even up to six properties. These six particular widows could be extracted and their names are displayed in the table below. Similarly, one could think that people would most commonly rent one single property which is the case for most of the widows (49/54 widow tenants). For five of them, several properties were rented under their name, up to four properties for one of them. These widows' names are displayed in the table below.

Widows' Name	Number of Owned Properties
Nobil Domina Perina Capello consorte del Nobil Homo Ser Polo	5
Vedova Steffani Nodaro	3
Domenica Ferrari consorte di Zuanne Stella	3
Vianoli Consorte del Nobil Homo Ferigo Renier	2
Fiama Fiorelli vedova di Giacomo Dente	2

Widows' Name	Number of Rented Properties
Domenica Persego vedova Domino Val[azzo]	4
Orsetta Maggia vedova	2
Elisabetta Vedova	2

Perina Capello

Perina Capello was the widow who owned the most properties in Venice in 1740. As she is the only widow that is referred to as a Nobil Domina, it is likely that she had a great influence at that time. Among the five properties she owned, most of them are houses (casa and casetta) that she rented to both males and females. All her properties were located in the district Santa Croce, all nearby to each other.

Widows' Distribution across Venice districts

Through history, the construction and inhabitation of cities followed population dynamics, creating clusters of people related to their social and economical situation. One can learn a lot about a group and a population just by looking at their spacial distribution. In this optic, this study compared the spatial distribution of properties owned and rented by widows across Venice's districts with the global distribution of properties in Venice. The Figure below illustrates the results obtained when computing this data.

In the first panel of the graph below ("Property Owners") the distribution of owned properties across the district of the entire population tells us that regarding the total population of Venice, the district with the most owned properties in is Cannaregio where nearly 18% of the owned properties are found. On the contrary, the district with the less owned properties is the Ghetto Novossimo, which contains only 2% of the total owned properties. These observations make sense since Cannaregio and the Ghetto represent, respectively, the largest and the smallest area of the city of Venice, which directly affects the number of properties they can contain which thus affects the proportion of properties that can be owned in the first place. This study also computed the repartition of properties owned by widows across the district which revealed a completely different distribution. For instance, while Cannaregio represented 18% of the total owned properties, for properties owned by widows, only 7.5% of them are located in this district. Similarly, while the Ghetto represented only 2% of the total owned properties, for widows, this district contains nearly one fifth of all the propeties that are owned by widows.

To compare the difference in repartition between widows and global population, this study computed the ratios of the proportion of properties owned by widows in a district over the proportion the same district represents in the entire population. The results are shown in the second panel of the Figure below ("Relative Proportion of Properties Owned by Widows in each District"). If this ratio is equal to 1, this means that the proportion of properties owned in this district is the same for widows as for the global population. If this ratio is greater that 1, notably for the Ghetto Novossimo whose ratio is equal to 9.5, it means that the proportion of properties owned by widows is equal to 9.5 times the global proportion.

These operations were also done on the rented properties, as shown in the last two panels of the figure below. From this one can establish that properties rented by widows are more distributed in Cannaregio, Ghetto Novossimo and Santa Croce than the global population.

Comparison of the distribution of properties owned and rented by widows in each district with the general population distribution

Sommarioni Property Analysis

Using the methods described in Property ownership analysis, the study identified 659 entries related to widows out of a total of 23,400 entries in the Sommarioni. Since this dataset includes only property owners and excludes tenants, no conclusions can be drawn about the amount of widows renting properties.

Ownership Distribution

When looking at how many properties one widow holds, it is important to ensure that it is the same widow. When comparing the data it appears that in the 'owner' category there are 443 unique owners, whilst in the 'owner_standardised' there are only 360 unique widows. This means that there must be different spellings and errors in the way the widows are written in the 'owner' section compared to the cleaned and standardized section, which is as expected. When looking at the new list of widows, it is still possible to see the same widows, but written differently and further refinement is therefore necessary. After looking for similarities in the names, there are 246 unique widows.

Most widows own a single property, as illustrated in the histogram, which shows an exponential decrease in ownership frequency with increasing property counts.

From the data:

• The majority of widows own one property.
• The graph shows similarities to an exponential decay.
• The maximum observed ownership is 25 properties, held by Loredana Grimani, wife of Giovanni Morosini.

Loredana Grimani

Loredana Grimani is the widow holding the most properties in Venice in 1808. This exceptional case may indicate significant wealth, and further investigation into the Grimani-Morosini family could provide more context. From the presentation given on the Venice Data [16], there is a graph from showing the distribution of family ownership - weighted by ownership portion. The graph, based on Catastici data, highlights that both the Morosini and Grimani families controlled a significant share of Venetian properties during this period. It is reasonable to assume that by the time of the Sommarioni in 1808, the Grimani family’s property holdings had remained relatively stable.

Geographic Distribution of Widow-Owned Properties

The graph compares the proportion of properties owned by widows to those owned by the general population in each district. This comparison reveals significant regional differences:

• In Cannaregio, widows own a disproportionately large share of properties compared to the general population.
• In Castello, widow property ownership is notably lower than that of the general population.
• In Dorsoduro, San Marco, and San Paolo, widows own slightly more properties than average, while in Santa Croce, widows own slightly fewer properties.

These findings suggest that socio-economic and demographic factors may influence the distribution of widow property ownership across districts.

• 

  Fraction of properties owned by widows and people per district

• 

  Normalised average area of properties owned by widows in a given district

Property Size and Wealth Indicators

The figure shows what the average area of a property owned by a widows in a given district is, normalized by the average area of the properties in that district. This might give an indication of the wealth of the different districts. Though it has to be said, that the area given in the Sommarioni is likely computed from the vectorization available in the GeoJSON file.

Key observations include:

• In Castello, widow-owned properties are approximately 40% larger than the average, a notable finding considering the low number of widows holding property there. This discrepancy may reflect wealth concentration among widows in Castello.
• In Dorsoduro, the average property size for widows is comparable to the district average.
• In other districts, widow-owned properties are generally smaller than the average, suggesting a relatively worse economic situation for widows in these areas.

Property Functions

The final aspect of the analysis focuses on the types and functions of widow-owned properties. The graph below shows the distribution of properties by the number of distinct functions they serve.

From this data:

• Most properties serve a single function, while over 100 properties serve two functions.
• A smaller number of properties have three or four functions, which may reflect detailed notations in the Sommarioni or unique uses of these properties.
• Of the 659 widow-owned properties, 555 are rented (partially or fully), while 104 are not rented at all. The non-rented properties primarily include vegetable gardens (orto) and covered walkways (sottoportico).
• Only nine widows are listed as living in the properties they own, an unexpectedly low number that may merit further investigation.

Catastici and Sommarioni: Properties Analysis Comparison

When comparing the results of the different analysis of the Catastici and Sommarioni only the intersection of the columns from the two sets are possible to use. This is due to the datasets not containing the same data. An example for something that falls outside this scope is the aspect of the tenants, due to them not being mentioned in the Sommarioni. A few common aspects can still be compared between the analysis of both datasets.

Amount of extracted widows

In the Catastici, out of 33'297 entries, this study could only extract 104 widows (70 vedova VS 34 consorte), while in the Sommarioni, even though it contains 23'400 entries, which is less than the Catastici, 659 widows (651 vedova VS 8 consorte) could be found. This rises multiple questions like if the difference is representative of a true difference in number of widows in Venice population between the two time points or if it is due to some bias induced by the data and the way widows were recorded.

Distribution of owners in each district

As seen in Distribution of the widows across Venice districts, in 1740, there were strikingly more widows that were recorded to own properties in the Ghetto Novossimo (part of Cannaregio) than the rest of the population, while in the Sommarioni Property Analysis widows tended to own more properties in completely different regions, namely Castello and Dorsoduro. These regions are also different from the ones in which widows tended to rent more properties than the global population. This drastic change in the locations of widow-owned properties between the two time points could be investigated.

Heritage analysis

The inheritance of properties by widows in Venice offers insight into historical family dynamics and property ownership structures. This study examines links between property records in the Catastici and Sommarioni to identify patterns of inheritance. The analysis focuses on widows who owned property, as tenants are not mentioned in the Sommarioni.

Catastici to Sommarioni

Of the 61 widow-owned properties in the Catastici, only 16 contained valid id_napo values, enabling direct comparison. Manual inspection of these entries yielded the following results. From these 16 entries, some of them id_napos related to the same parcel number. Therefore only 11 distinct cases are given in the datasets.

For four of the entries there was no apparent relationship between the widow-owned properties in the Catastici and corresponding entries in the Sommarioni. For example, the property linked to id_napo 4270 (Catastici: Gerolema; Sommarioni: DA' RIVA Giovanni Battista) showed no familial or functional connection.

For another seven of the entries there is a possible relationship between the two datasets. Several cases suggested familial inheritance, often indicated by shared last names between the Catastici and Sommarioni entries.

Elena Vianol and Paolina Mocenigo

An example of this is id_napo 4896, where in the Catastici the owner of a house with a shop is called Elena Vianol (widow of Ferigo Renier). In the Sommarioni the owner is called Renier Bernardino, which is likely a family member. Elena Vianol (widow of Ferigo Renier) also appeared in multiple instances where properties were inherited by individuals with the surname Renier. Paolina Mocenigo (widow of Michiel Morosini) showed a similar trend, with properties inherited by Morosini Elisabetta.

Sommarioni to Catastici

Attempting to trace properties from the Sommarioni back to the Catastici yielded 388 potential links based on matching parcel numbers. Given the volume of data, computational methods were employed to identify connections.

The analysis focused on name similarity, which presented challenges due to variations in spelling (e.g., Bonvicini vs. Bonbicini). Despite these difficulties, clear inheritance patterns were identified in several cases.

The analysis revealed clear inheritance patterns in several cases, particularly among prominent families like the Renier and Morosini. These findings suggest that property often stayed within family lines, with widows playing a transitional role in ownership. Discrepancies in name spelling, inconsistent recording practices, and incomplete historical data hindered efforts to establish conclusive links for many properties. These limitations highlight the need for refined computational techniques and deeper contextual understanding in future research.

Rent and Geographic Analysis

The following rent and geographic analysis is based on the Catastici.

When looking at the entire city of Venice, only 120 properties involving widows were found from a total of more than 30 thousand. Widows are identified with keywords (consorte and vedova), so all the widows mentioned with only their name are not included in the analysis.

Classification: Jewish and Nobles

Widows live in very different situations depending on their socioeconomic situation, the number of children they have and if they remarry or not. To understand the rent paid and earned by widows it is useful to identify different groups within the observed population. Isolating the nobility from the rest of the population can be insightful to understand rent patterns. Another useful separation is to isolate the Jewish society from the rest of the Christian society. Only one property (out of 745) in the Jewish Ghetto is owned by a noble and it does not involve widows. The condition of Jews in the Ghetto is discussed in the section related to the Ghetto.

Widows in the Catastici are always either tenants or owners of a place.

Charity

From the Catastici it is appearent that not everyone is paying rent with money, or even paying rent at all. It appears like people are allowed to pay rent using money or goods. An common example for a good used for paying rent is sugar. However, no widow owner was found receiving payment in goods and no widow tenant was found paying in goods. Properties with no rent paid, meaning not paid in money or good, fall into the following three categories.

• charity (for instance : "gratis": free , "per carità": per charity, "per grazia": per grace, "amore dei": for the love of God)
• refusal to pay ("giurò non pagar affitto": swore not to pay rent)
• no comment

It is difficult to determine if no comment entries are mistakes and rent was actually paid, if they fall into charity or if some sort of agreement between owner and tenants. Focusing on explicit instances of charity, it is clear that charity towards widow tenants is almost seven times higher than charity in general. Widow owners were not found practicing charity, but remember that charity is rare and there is not a lot of widow owners, so this might not be a significant result.

Charity in Venice

	Total number of properties	Properties where no rent is paid (no good and no money)	Mentioned as charity
Venice	33,297 (100%)	3,115 (9.35%)	169 (0.50%)
Widow Owners	61 (100%)	10 (16.39%)	0 (0%)
Widow Tenants	59 (100%)	4 (6.78%)	2 (3.39%)

The scale of Venice

Widowhood is not the only factor that can influence rent.

To identify geographical biases it is necessary to observe rent at smaller scales.

Nobility and Widowhood

Median Rent and number of properties in Venice

Median Rent	Widow Owners Median Rent Difference	Widow Tenants Median Rent Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
124.0	+0.0	- 12.4	29999	182	179

Median Rent and number of noble-owned properties in Venice

Median rent for noble-owned properties	Widow noble owners median difference	Widow tenants renting from nobles median difference	Noble-owned properties	Widow noble owners	Widow tenants renting from nobles
124.0	+0.0	+0.0	8913	52	45

Median Rent and number of non-noble-owned properties in Venice

Median rent for non-noble owned properties	Widow non-noble owners median difference	Widow tenants renting from non-nobles median difference	Non-noble owned properties	Widow non-noble owners	Widow tenants renting from non-nobles
124.0	-6.2	-12.4	21086	130	134

Median Rent and number of properties rented to nobles in Venice

Median rent for properties rented to nobles	Widow owners renting to nobles median difference	Widow noble tenants median difference	Noble rented properties	Widow owners renting to nobles	Widow noble tenants
496.0	+155.0	-93.0	431	3	9

Median Rent and number of properties rented to non-nobles in Venice

Median rent for properties rented to non-nobles	Widow owners renting to non-nobles median difference	Widow non-noble tenants median difference	Non-noble rented properties	Widow owners renting to non-nobles	Widow non-noble tenants
124.0	-12.4	-12.4	29568	179	170

• 

The scale of the districts

Zooming in to the scale of the districts, it is clear that despite high variations in rent between districts, the pattern of owners renting for more than the median rent and tenants renting at lower prices holds in almost every district.

It is worth mentioning that widows are not present in equal proportions in each district. In particular, the Ghetto is very dense with both widow owners and widow tenants.

Median Rent in the districts

Sestiere	Median Rent	Widow Owners Median Rent Difference	Widow Tenants Median Rent Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
San Marco	210.8	49.6	80.6	5697	20	28
Castello	124.0	0.0	-12.4	5774	36	49
Cannaregio	124.0	124.0	0.0	6016	25	31
San Polo	142.6	-31.0	31.0	2930	12	7
Santa Croce	111.6	-21.7	-31.0	3218	45	36
Dorsoduro	86.8	-13.6	-15.5	5835	32	20
Ghetto Novossimo	124.0	18.6	-37.2	529	12	8

Following in detail at each district. For each of them, the parishes in which widows are involved is provided by the dataset. Parishes represent local religious communities, but people do not always belong to the closest parish to where they live. In the following plots, parishes are represented by a line encircling all of it's members. Sometimes, non members happen to fall inside the parish's shape despite not belonging to it. Nobility owned properties are highlighted in black. Rent is shown with color. Here, the main method of investigation is to manually identify patterns in the following visualizations.

Rent in San Marco [5]

San Marco

San Marco is a very rich district where rent is almost the double compared to the rest of Venice. The widows representation in this district is quite low. Noble widows are integrated within the noble community. Interestingly in this district, all the nobility is grouped in San Salvador. When ignoring the widows, the pattern of rent highlights key commercial elements of the district. For instance the main shopping street in the parish of San Salvador, "Merceria", is very visible because of the high rent.

Selected Parishes of San Marco

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties Size
San Basso	396.8	703.7	-124.0	135	2	1
San Bortolomio	223.2	24.8	24.8	503	5	3
San Luca	161.2		68.2	503	0	10
San Marco	502.2	-254.2	117.8	84	1	2
San Maurizio	192.2		303.8	139	0	2
San Moise	204.6		-93.0	859	0	1
San Paternian	186.0		24.8	178	0	2
San Salvador	272.8	-71.8		521	2	0
San Samuel	124.0	148.8		419	1	0
San Vidal	310.0	-148.8		175	2	0
San Ziminian	248.0		124.0	714	0	2
Sant'Angelo	186.0	46.5		506	2	0
Santa Maria Zobenigo	183.4	126.6	188.6	256	5	5

Rent in Castello [6]

Castello

Castello has some widows, particularly owners, that really gather in specific parishes in the east of the district, in San Giovanni in Bragora, San Martin and Santa Maria Formosa. Here again, nobles gather in specific geographical area and widows seem to match this pattern. Widow owners charge higher rent than the median rent of their parish and widow tenants pay lower rent than the median rent of their parish. Some widows are exception to the pattern and are able to afford expensive housing in nobility owned areas.

Parishes of Castello

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties Size
San Giovanni in Bragora	124.0	106.0	-52.7	399	4	4
San Martin	86.8	49.6	-6.2	563	3	14
San Pietro di Castello	99.2	-24.8	-12.4	1495	6	3
San Severo	260.4	-148.8	-40.3	207	4	6
Sant'Antonino	189.1	120.9	58.9	240	1	5
Santa Giustina	117.8	520.8		321	1	0
Santa Maria Formosa	186.0	74.4	31.0	747	10	7
Santa Marina	186.0	-86.8	-46.5	383	7	10

Rent in Cannaregio [7]

Cannaregio

Unlike in Castello, widows of Cannaregio are present in almost every parish. Tenants are more represented in Cannaregio. The nobility owns significant parts of the district, but not necessary located in one area. In general the rent is more expensive in Cannaregio, compared to other districts. Here the previous seen pattern does not hold, widow owners charge rent that are sometimes below median rent and tenants sometimes rent at prices above median rent. Also, a case of charity for widows is mentioned in San Marcuola.

Cannaregio is the district in which widow tenants and owners seem to be the most equally integrated on the economical level.

Parishes of Cannaregio

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
San Cancian	124.0	-	-62.0	629	0	1
San Felice	186.0	-	+ 434.0	351	0	1
San Geremia	99.2	+ 148.8	-49.6	1082	1	1
San Giovanni Grisostomo	186.0	-86.8	-	187	1	0
San Lunardo	148.8	-	-74.4	117	0	3
San Marcilian	124.0	-	+ 136.4	589	0	2
San Marcuola	117.8	-	+ 83.7	1432	0	6
Santa Fosca	124.0	+ 620.0	+ 347.2	163	1	1
Santa Maria Maddalena	124.0	-	-37.2	119	0	1
Santa Maria Nova	198.4	-	-99.2	183	0	2
Santa Sofia	136.4	-	0.0	546	0	1
Santi Apostoli	161.2	-49.6	-99.2	618	3	1

Rent in San Polo [8]

San Polo

Similarly to San Marco, widows are not very present in this district. Additionally, very few properties are owned by nobility in this district.

Parishes of San Polo

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
San Mattio	136.4	+ 31.0	-37.2	319	2	1
San Polo	161.2	-117.8	-	353	1	0
San Toma	136.4	-	+ 24.8	272	0	2

Rent in Santa Croce [9]

Santa Croce

Santa Croce has a significant number of tenants that experience a similar situation to what has been observed so far, widows living in lower rent places. Despite being the smallest parish, Santa Maria Mater Domini seems to be a parish with a lot of widows, more than in the rest of the district. Charity for tenants is also mentioned in this parish. All the properties owned by widows in Santa Maria Mater Domini are owned by the same person, Nobil Domina Perina Capello, which was also identified as the widow which the most owned properties in Catastici Property Analysis. This district is mostly nobility owned.

Parishes of Santa Croce

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
San Cassiano	186.0	-124.0	-	546	1	0
San Giacomo dall'Orio	99.2	-	-55.8	657	0	1
San Simeon Apostolo	99.2	-	-62.0	198	0	1
San Simeon Profeta	93.0	-	0.0	447	0	1
Santa Croce	111.6	-	-58.9	739	0	2
Santa Maria Mater Domini	124.0	+ 3.1	-31.0	152	4	5

Rent in Dorsoduro [10]

Dorsoduro

There are very few widows in Dorsoduro. A significant part of the district is nobility owned. Still, a majority of tenants rent for below the local median rent.

Parishes of Dorsoduro

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
San Raffael	74.4	-	-43.4	772	0	3
San Barnaba	124.0	+ 93.0	-	904	1	0
San Basegio	74.4	-37.2	-	359	2	0
San Gregorio	86.8	-	-24.8	487	0	1
San Pantalon	111.6	-	+ 446.4	639	0	1
Santa Margherita	99.2	+ 148.8	-	483	1	0

Rent in the Ghetto [11]

The Ghetto

The Jewish Ghetto is made of three parts that were added at different times in history. There is almost no nobility in this district. The situation of tenants is the same as in most of the cities, their rent is lower than the median. For widow owners, the situation seems to be better in the old Ghetto Nuovo and worse in the Ghetto Vecchio.

Parishes of the Ghetto

Parish	Median Rent	Widow Owners Rent Median Difference	Widow Tenants Rent Median Difference	Properties	Widow Owned Properties	Widow Rented Properties
Ghetto Nuovissimo	148.8	-	+ 68.2	46	0	1
Ghetto Nuovo	124.0	+ 105.4	-55.8	207	5	2
Ghetto Vecchio	124.0	-6.2	-80.6	276	6	2

Conclusion and interpretation

This analysis highlights the diverse economic situations of widows in 18th-century Venice. Widows who inherited a property after their husband’s death and rented it out often did so at rates above the median rent. Conversely, widows who were tenants were rarely nobles and tended to rent properties at prices below the median rent. This is the case at the city scale and also compared to the median of the parishes.

The data does not suggest that widow tenants were marginalized geographically. Even though widow tenants paid lower rent in general, poor parishes do not contain more widows than rich parishes. This pattern might indicate that widows remained within their original communities, benefiting from social or charitable support. While there is no direct evidence of this in the dataset, it is plausible that such support played a role.

Widows experience more charity than the rest of the city.

We find more widows in proportion in the Ghetto. This might be the consequence of the following socio-cultural dynamic : "There was a tendency to look down upon women who remarried because of concern that they were seeking sexual satisfaction from other men or transferring their late husbands' assets or children to another family." — Jewish Women's Archive, "Italy in the Early Modern Period"

Lack of widows

Only a small number of widows were found. Here are two examples of widows that were missed.

Properties of Chiara Pisani [12]

Widows are only head of the house for a time

The relatively small number of widows identified in the records may imply that widowhood as the head of a household was often a temporary state. Widows might have remarried, joined a convent, or come under the care of their sons. This is supported by examples from the Catastici, such as: “Nicolò et ISeppo Fratelli Gatto quondam Gerolamo eredi di Cattarina Cavaliera sua madre” (Nicolò and Iseppo Gatto, brothers, sons of the late Gerolamo, heirs of Cattarina Cavaliera, their mother). This suggests that Cattarina, as a widow, was not recorded as an independent head of household for long.

Widows are in the Catastici, but with no keyword Case Study : Chiara Pisani

Chiara Pisani was an extremely wealthy widow of the 18th century Venice. She was part of the Pisani family. Accounts of here life mentioned that she was left in charge of a significant fortune after loosing both her father in 1737 and her husband in 1738. [17] At the time of the Catastici (in 1740) she was 36 years old. Looking for Chiara's name in the Catastici, can give a better idea of how significant her fortune was: in 1740, she was the owner of 36 properties. She is sometimes mentioned as Chiara Pisani, sometimes as the tutelle of her sons, sometimes as the procuartor of her uncle Nicolò Pisani. Her total income from rent was 16,812 lirae. This is about 135 times the median rent of Venice of 124 lirae. Chiara Pisani was excluded from the rent analysis of widow-owned properties because she had too much impact given the significant outlier she represents.

Discussion, limitations and quality assessments

The analysis conducted on the Catastici and Sommarioni data reveals important insights but is constrained by several methodological and data limitations.

The study case of Chiara Pisani is the perfect example of a profile of widows that was neither mentioned as vedova nor consorte which did not allow the analysis to extract her profile or her data. Her case shows the limitations of this pipeline and support the hypothesis that more widows are present in both the Catastici and the Sommarioni but that this study could not identify yet.

Another key issue lies in the small sample size: only 16 cases were identified using the id_napo when examining the heritage between the two registers Heritage analysis. This amount is insufficient for drawing concrete conclusions about widows. Additionally, inconsistencies in standardised sections like "owner_standardised" in the Sommarioni, which still includes spelling variations, makes a comparison harder.

The methodological tools used, such as difflib for identifying name similarities, while helpful, may have overlooked certain matches, and the narrow scope of the methods applied may not fully capture all the information given in the data. The absence of tenant data in the Sommarioni further restricts the ability to generalize findings, particularly for poorer widows who may be underrepresented in the cadaster.

Despite these challenges, the data quality is largely acceptable, though it is important to acknowledge potential errors introduced during the creation of the cadasters and the digitization process. However, combining these historical records with other sources adds quantitaive foundation to an else qualitative analysis.

This study's transparency and reproducibility increases its quality, since all analyses are documented and accessible on GitHub. Future research can build on these foundations by broadening the scope to include female-headed households, which might provide a more representative picture of widows in Venice. Exploring broader themes, such as the nobility's control of Venetian real estate, the role of the Catholic Church and charity, marriage laws, community dynamics, migration patterns, and economic activities across districts, can clarify confusing factors and pinpoint causes for observed phenomena.

Ultimately, the knowledge bottleneck about Venice in this era limits interpretive potential, but the Catastici and Sommarioni datasets, when combined with additional sources, offer valuable insights that can help enrich the understanding of Venetian widows and their societal contexts.

Conclusion and continuation

Conclusion

After conducting various analysis the most clear trends are the following. In the Catastici cadaster from 1740 not a lot of widows are identifiable as owners or tenants compared to the amount of entries given. The proportion of widows owning or renting properties is higher in the Jewish Ghetto than anywhere else. Compared to this, in the Christian districts, widows rent cheap properties, whilst they own expensive properties. It appears as charity in the Venetian society during this time is low in general but higher towards widows.

In 1808 there are more widows mentioned in the Sommarioni cadaster compared to the Catastici from 1740. Most of these widows tend to rent out their property. Only 9 widows are explicitly mentioned as living at their own property. In general the properties held by the widows are smaller than the average size of a property in the given district, which might indicate worse economic situations.

Continuation

This project has been an attempt to collect knowledge on the widows living in Venetian society in 1740 and in 1808. There is still plenty to uncover about how life was for them and possible research areas are described followingly.

The functions of the properties owned by widows in the Catastici were not exploited like in the Sommarioni. One could extract those information and compare them to the Sommarioni.

When it comes to the heritage analysis, this can be further analysed by using geoemtric matching between the two datasets. By comparing spatial data where id_napo values are unavailable, one could link all the widows mentioned in the Catastici to the Sommarioni, giving more insight into the heritage.

This project also wanted to analysis the vocabulary used to qualify owner and tenants, but due to lack of time this analysis had to be set aside. One could explore the usage pattern between consorte and vedova to describe widows and see if any evolution is observed between the Catastici and the Sommarioni.

A last aspects that can be further explored are the different case studies of the widows mentioned explicitly in the report, such as Loredana Grimani.

Deliverables

The main deliverable of the project are this Wikipedia page where one can find the results of the different analysis conducted during the span of the project and the tools used to extract the different data. For more details, please review the Results section.

In addition, all the code used for the analysis can be found in the GitHub repository of this project:

Our Github Repository

Credits

Course: Foundation of Digital Humanities (DH-405), EPFL

Professor: Frédéric Kaplan

Authors: Eglantine Vialaneix, Nathanaël Lambert, Lisa Marie Njå

Date: 18.12.2024

References

• Image of the Venice Datasets – Retrieved from DH-405 lecture slides
• Fall of the Republic of Venice, Wikipedia
• Napoleon, Wikipedia
• A Chronology of the Black Plague in Venice, History Walks Venice
• Citizen of the Republic of Venice, History Walks Venice
• Libro d'Oro, Wikipedia
• Wall & Moring (PDF), INED
• Peek into Private Lives of Venice, Venetian Cat Blog

Supplementary Information

Dictionary of Useful Words and Idioms

Italian	English	Description
vedova	widow	Refers to a woman whose husband has passed away.
mestiere	profession	A term used to describe one's occupation or trade.
parrocchia	parish	Parishes in Venice were local religious districts, each centered around a parish church. Every house in Venice belonged to a specific parish, forming a network of smaller communities within the larger city.
sestiere	district of Venice	The name given to the districts of Venice: San Marco, San Polo, Santa Croce, Dorsoduro (which includes the island of Giudecca), Castello, and Cannaregio.
fratelli	brothers	The plural form of fratello (brother).
sorelle	sisters	The plural form of sorella (sister).
ved	widow of	An abbreviation of vedova.
quondam	son/daughter of	Literally means "formerly" or "previously." Often used in historical contexts to indicate lineage.
fratelli quondam	brothers of the father	Refers to a person and their brothers from the same father (e.g., siblings from a deceased patriarch).
fu di	of the late man	Similar to quondam, but explicitly indicates that the father is deceased.
q.m.	abbreviation of quondam	A shorthand version of quondam used in records and documentation.
sudett-o/-a/-i	part of another place	Indicates that certain rows in a table belong to one geographical or administrative area.
consorte	married with	Indicates a spouse, often implying the husband is deceased.
della fu	of the late woman	Used to indicate lineage or connection to a deceased mother.